World Order

World Order

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  • Create Date:2022-07-25 06:57:28
  • Update Date:2025-09-06
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  • Author:Henry Kissinger
  • ISBN:0143127713
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Summary

Librarian's note: An alternate cover edition can be found here

Henry Kissinger offers in World Order a deep meditation on the roots of international harmony and global disorder。 Drawing on his experience as one of the foremost statesmen of the modern era—advising presidents, traveling the world, observing and shaping the central foreign policy events of recent decades—Kissinger now reveals his analysis of the ultimate challenge for the twenty-first century: how to build a shared international order in a world of divergent historical perspectives, violent conflict, proliferating technology, and ideological extremism。

There has never been a true “world order,” Kissinger observes。 For most of history, civilizations defined their own concepts of order。 Each considered itself the center of the world and envisioned its distinct principles as universally relevant。 China conceived of a global cultural hierarchy with the emperor at its pinnacle。 In Europe, Rome imagined itself surrounded by barbarians; when Rome fragmented, European peoples refined a concept of an equilibrium of sovereign states and sought to export it across the world。 Islam, in its early centuries, considered itself the world’s sole legitimate political unit, destined to expand indefinitely until the world was brought into harmony by religious principles。 The United States was born of a conviction about the universal applicability of democracy—a conviction that has guided its policies ever since。

Now international affairs take place on a global basis, and these historical concepts of world order are meeting。 Every region participates in questions of high policy in every other, often instantaneously。 Yet there is no consensus among the major actors about the rules and limits guiding this process or its ultimate destination。 The result is mounting tension。

Grounded in Kissinger’s deep study of history and his experience as national security advisor and secretary of state, World Order guides readers through crucial episodes in recent world history。 Kissinger offers a unique glimpse into the inner deliberations of the Nixon administration’s negotiations with Hanoi over the end of the Vietnam War, as well as Ronald Reagan’s tense debates with Soviet Premier Gorbachev in Reykjavík。 He offers compelling insights into the future of U。S。–China relations and the evolution of the European Union, and he examines lessons of the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan。 Taking readers from his analysis of nuclear negotiations with Iran through the West’s response to the Arab Spring and tensions with Russia over Ukraine, World Order anchors Kissinger’s historical analysis in the decisive events of our time。

Provocative and articulate, blending historical insight with geopolitical prognostication, World Order is a unique work that could come only from a lifelong policy maker and diplomat。

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Reviews

Hammad Gill

World Order by Henry Kissinger。Kissinger's observation, narration, & explanation of geopolitics is astounding, since he played a central role in a large number of events shaping this world order as the former US Secretary of States & the former NSA of US。 There has never been a "true world order"。 Historically, every region, every country & every empire had its own view of the world, its own plans & its own preferences for it。 Romans considered themselves the only civilized nation against the ba World Order by Henry Kissinger。Kissinger's observation, narration, & explanation of geopolitics is astounding, since he played a central role in a large number of events shaping this world order as the former US Secretary of States & the former NSA of US。 There has never been a "true world order"。 Historically, every region, every country & every empire had its own view of the world, its own plans & its own preferences for it。 Romans considered themselves the only civilized nation against the barbarians。 Chinese Emperors considered themselves the master of "all under the heavens"。 Islam considered it the only order for the disordered world & started expanding in all directions to civilize humanity。 Persians & Greeks were proud of their own history & mythology。 The global order started to evolve at the end of the Thirty Years Wars under the terms of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648。 A new system of the balance of powers was invented to keep the rival powers in check。 Then the Congress of Vienna after the Napoleonic Wars gave a new direction to it。 The rise of nationalism, WW1, Treaty of Versailles and WW2 shaped the destiny of the US & the Soviet Union as global hegemons。 Only the US had a formidable blue water navy & the largest reserves of gold at the end of WW2 thus started establishing terms for trade & peace。During the Cold War, the US & the USSR kept seeing each other eye ball to eye ball。 After the collapse of the USSR, a wave of terrorism shocked the world & dragged the US into unwinnable wars。 In the meanwhile, the PRC silently kept increasing its economic & military muscles, remaining within Washington's made world organizations, to a point that now it has started to challenge the hegemony of the US。 In the last 500 years, there have been 16 instances in which a rising power set to displace the hegemony of a ruling power。In 12/16 occasions, both powers ended in a war(Thucydides Trap)Then Dr。 Kissinger takes his readers to the role of Spain ,India , KSA, Iran, Japan, Great Britain, Korea, Israel, Palestine, Egypt, Iraq, Germany, Russia, France, Italy, Afghanistan, Iraq & many other countries in global order and challenges to it。A must read book。 。。。more

Vedran Bukvić

Valuable geopolitical compass。

Bharat Chovatiya

Very informative。

Jonathan

Kissinger's account of events sometimes reads as apology, but his analysis of events is sharp and uncompromising。 A strong rejection of a vision of liberal international order, premised largely on the absence of an international order with the shared value system capable of operating to abide by and to maintain its vision。What remains is raison d'etat, with values, perhaps, as a tack-on。 But here I think Kissinger is mistaken。 The questions he poses as the foundation of foreign policy - how to s Kissinger's account of events sometimes reads as apology, but his analysis of events is sharp and uncompromising。 A strong rejection of a vision of liberal international order, premised largely on the absence of an international order with the shared value system capable of operating to abide by and to maintain its vision。What remains is raison d'etat, with values, perhaps, as a tack-on。 But here I think Kissinger is mistaken。 The questions he poses as the foundation of foreign policy - how to survive, what must we have, what would we seek with the right opportunity, what must we never do - are already infused with value judgments that elevate them above a straw man version of raison d'etat。 That version is meaningful only for the egotistical or dilettante。So that what he really wants is for us to take the problem of international relations seriously。 And that I think we can agree to do, even better for his insightful thoughts on its history。 。。。more

Natalia

Oversimplified。 Impossible to comment meaningfully on ‘China’ or ‘The Middle East’ in a twenty page chapter!

Vohumano

على الكم الجيد من المعلومات في التاريخ السياسي للأمم، إلا أن السياق لا ينفك عن كونه دعاية أمريكية بامتياز。 لطالما أشار كيسنجر إلى الأهداف السياسية للولايات المتحدة بوصفها "المبادئ الكونية الشاملة"، متجنبًا تحليل هذه المبادئ بأدوات منطقية وغير مكترث بمقارنة عُمق الأهداف المُختلفة عند الأمم الأخرى بها。 كتاب فحواه التأكيد على النظرة المثالية للعملية السياسية الخارجية للولايات المُتحدة أكثر من كونه تحليلٌ لها، وافتراض ضروريتها أمام الأنظمة "المُستبدة" بغير تحليل متزن لهذه الأنظمة، حيث أن الافتراض عن على الكم الجيد من المعلومات في التاريخ السياسي للأمم، إلا أن السياق لا ينفك عن كونه دعاية أمريكية بامتياز。 لطالما أشار كيسنجر إلى الأهداف السياسية للولايات المتحدة بوصفها "المبادئ الكونية الشاملة"، متجنبًا تحليل هذه المبادئ بأدوات منطقية وغير مكترث بمقارنة عُمق الأهداف المُختلفة عند الأمم الأخرى بها。 كتاب فحواه التأكيد على النظرة المثالية للعملية السياسية الخارجية للولايات المُتحدة أكثر من كونه تحليلٌ لها، وافتراض ضروريتها أمام الأنظمة "المُستبدة" بغير تحليل متزن لهذه الأنظمة، حيث أن الافتراض عند كيسنجر متقدم على الدليل。وجدتُ ترجمة د。فاضل جتكر للكتاب ترجمة غير جيّدة。 。。。more

Hamza Abdullah

World Order by Henry Kissinger is one of its kind a remarkable written foreign affairs story。 Worth reading it to know the contemporary global affairs。

Joe

Truly a masterpiece。

Amin

کتاب از این لحاظ که شما رو با دید یک سیاستمدار معروف آمریکایی در مورد رویدادهای جهان آشنا میکنه بسیار ارزشمند هست。کسینجر به خوبی توضیح می ده که چطور آمریکاییها از ابتدا به دنیا و مسایلش نگاه کردن و الگوهای رفتاریش رو نمایش می ده。 وقتی این الگوها رو که در طول تاریخ، حداقل از جنگ جهانی اول به اینور، تقریبا ثابت بوده می بینم، می‌تونیم چرایی رفتار امریکا رو درک کنیم。 مثلا چرا کارتر شاه رو مجبور به گشایش سیاسی می کنه بر خلاف اینکه ایران متحد امریکا بوده。 و یا چرا اوباما حسنی مبارک رو طرد می کنه هر چ کتاب از این لحاظ که شما رو با دید یک سیاستمدار معروف آمریکایی در مورد رویدادهای جهان آشنا میکنه بسیار ارزشمند هست。کسینجر به خوبی توضیح می ده که چطور آمریکاییها از ابتدا به دنیا و مسایلش نگاه کردن و الگوهای رفتاریش رو نمایش می ده。 وقتی این الگوها رو که در طول تاریخ، حداقل از جنگ جهانی اول به اینور، تقریبا ثابت بوده می بینم، می‌تونیم چرایی رفتار امریکا رو درک کنیم。 مثلا چرا کارتر شاه رو مجبور به گشایش سیاسی می کنه بر خلاف اینکه ایران متحد امریکا بوده。 و یا چرا اوباما حسنی مبارک رو طرد می کنه هر چند مصر یه مهره مهم برا سیاست های امریکا تو خاورمیانه است。کتاب نظم جهانی رو از دید کشورها و مناطق مختلف دنیا و در طول تاریخ توضیح می ده و نشون می ده که چطور این دیدها با دیدگاه امریکا به عنوان آخرین نظم دهنده جهانی فرق دارن。 در ادامه توضیح می ده که چطور می شه این دیدها رو بهم نزدیک کرد و خطرات اختلاف این دیدها رو بیان می کنه。فصل آخر کتاب که به تکنولوژی و چالشهای جدیدی که برای سیاستمدارها و امور خارجی کشورها بوجود آورده می پردازه که برا من خیلی جالب بود。 。。。more

Daniel Landes

I know more now than I did before reading this book

Michael Xenos

A little outdated due to implications of Covid and other big changes in the world since the book was published, but a solid introduction to the macroscopics of conceptual world order and the different iterations throughout history。 Not as helpful as his Diplomacy book though

Dimitar Angelov

От теоретична гледна точка "Световен ред" е апология на концепцията за "баланса на силите" в международните отношения。 Макар и почти никога да не съм се съгласявал с тезите на Кисинджър, винаги ми е харесвало как пише。 След изказванията му за нуждата Украйна да отстъпи територии на Русия, за да сложи край на войната (което ми се иска да отдам на преклонната му възраст), много се почудих дали изобщо да прочета книгата。Все пак го сторих и не мога да кажа, че съжалявам。 Във вече неблизкото минало, От теоретична гледна точка "Световен ред" е апология на концепцията за "баланса на силите" в международните отношения。 Макар и почти никога да не съм се съгласявал с тезите на Кисинджър, винаги ми е харесвало как пише。 След изказванията му за нуждата Украйна да отстъпи територии на Русия, за да сложи край на войната (което ми се иска да отдам на преклонната му възраст), много се почудих дали изобщо да прочета книгата。Все пак го сторих и не мога да кажа, че съжалявам。 Във вече неблизкото минало, като студент, следвах именно в това направление и прочитът на "Световен ред" ми даде шанс да си припомня някои позабравени факти и гледни точки。 Книгата върви бързо и не уморява с прекалена абстрактност。 И "Световен ред", и magnum opus-ът "Дипломацията" (която е по-ориентирана към историята на международните отношения и значително по-обемна) обаче препоръчвам да се четат критично。 Кисниджър далеч не е най-безпристрастният анализатор на световните дела。。。 。。。more

Dalibor

This review has been hidden because it contains spoilers。 To view it, click here。 Kissinger popisuje mezinárovní vztahy od vestfálského míru po třicetileté válce。 V té době se domluvila suverenita každého státu, nezasahování do vnitřních záležitostí a snaha o mírové soužití。 Správné chování se vynucovalo udržováním mocenské rovnováhy, kdy v případě, že jedna aliance nebo stát získávali převahu, ostatní se proti nim domluvili。 Tento systém byl narušen pouze za Francouzské revoluce a po sjednocení Německa。 Nebyl schopen reflektovat vzestup nové mocnosti a přeskupení síly。 Po pr Kissinger popisuje mezinárovní vztahy od vestfálského míru po třicetileté válce。 V té době se domluvila suverenita každého státu, nezasahování do vnitřních záležitostí a snaha o mírové soužití。 Správné chování se vynucovalo udržováním mocenské rovnováhy, kdy v případě, že jedna aliance nebo stát získávali převahu, ostatní se proti nim domluvili。 Tento systém byl narušen pouze za Francouzské revoluce a po sjednocení Německa。 Nebyl schopen reflektovat vzestup nové mocnosti a přeskupení síly。 Po první světové válce do něj tedy vstupují Spojené státy Americké, které jsou založeny na idee svobody a rozvoje。 Státní zájem je odsunut do pozadí。 Po svém vzestupu působí od druhé světové války jako mezistátní policista, který zasahuje hlavně při ohrožení lidských práv。V dalších kapitolách jsou popsány legitimizující systémy v ostatních částech světa。 Rozebírá se islámská teokracie, indický kastovní systém a čínský názor, že existuje jen čína a okolí, které by se jí mělo přizpůsobit。 Také popsán vzestup Japonska, které se vestfálskému systému přizpůsobilo。Jedna kapitola je věnována studené válce a sovětskému svazu, poslední pak současnosti, šíření atomových zbraní a ohrožení existence vestfálského systému států。 Ten nyní v původní podobě funguje v Asii, ale v Evropě je nahrazován ideou lidských práv - podobně jako v USA。 Ale bez armádní síly, která by ho podpořila。 Autor nevidí jiný funkční systém, než demokracii, jejíž legitimita je daná ochranou lidských práv a svobod。 Ostatní v dlouhodobém horizontu jen slábnou jejich omezováním。 Dilema USA - zda zasahovat vojensky na jejich ochranu a porušovat suverenitu jiných států。 Zda se řídit vlastním zájmem, nebo ideály。Závěr nakousne i téma kyberprostoru a změn v rovnováze síly - často i nestátní aktéři v něm mají relevantí moc。 。。。more

Andrea Green

I liked the insights into the need for balance of power in the world。 A work of true diplomacy。

Ali

Whether you like or detest his legacy one cannot deny Kissinger’s genius in realpolitik and assiduous analysis。

Tavis Harling

Masterclass on foreign affairs by a virtuoso on the subject。 Kissinger was former US National Security advisor and Secretary of State under Nixon & Ford, has been a prominent figure in international affairs for half a century。 He examines the evolution of successive spheres of influence (Europe, Islam, Asia & America) into the global system of today。 His leitmotif is the European balance-of-power and concept of national state by the Westphalian system, which has served as a blueprint for interna Masterclass on foreign affairs by a virtuoso on the subject。 Kissinger was former US National Security advisor and Secretary of State under Nixon & Ford, has been a prominent figure in international affairs for half a century。 He examines the evolution of successive spheres of influence (Europe, Islam, Asia & America) into the global system of today。 His leitmotif is the European balance-of-power and concept of national state by the Westphalian system, which has served as a blueprint for international order since 1648。 Excellent global summations on international security, with good lessons on the need to understand historical, cultural, religious and psycho-social identities of nations for good relations。 I would critique it as whitewashed and deceptively idealistic portrayal of U。S foreign policy as "for the good of mankind" based on "universal principles"; cherry-picked, feel good American exceptionism nonsense that is borderline intellectually dishonest。 4 🌟 great insights from a learned historian and meticulous statesman。 。。。more

Jack Taccons

Assolutamente brillante。 Kissinger, col suo acume storico, analizza le diverse concezioni di ordine mondiale partendo dai due concetti principali di Vestfalia, potere e legittimità, fino ai giorni nostri。 Strepitosi i capitoli sulla politica americana del XX secolo。 Da leggere ad ogni costo。

Joaquín

3。75/5

Varvara Hayrapetyan

Քաղաքական աշխարհահայացք ձևավորելու և առավել լայն մտահորիզոն ունենալու համար կարդալիք գրքերի շարքում այս գիրքը կարելի է ընդգրկել, սակայն այն փոքրիշատե «մեծ եղբոր»՝ Ամերիկայի գովքն էլ է:

Steven Ryder

Must read for all concerned with the emergence of geopolitics

Kristin

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William Smith

In World Order , Kissinger uncovers a series of epigrammatic insights into understanding US, Indian, EU, and Chinese interventions in the world: past, present, and, speculatively。 With undoubtably personal insights from his experiences as Nixon's National Security Advisor, the genesis of anthropomorphic ideals of nation state's spirit is a delectably intriguing heuristic for thinking about countries actions, especially in the current geopolitical world。 However, whilst appealing to our instinct In World Order , Kissinger uncovers a series of epigrammatic insights into understanding US, Indian, EU, and Chinese interventions in the world: past, present, and, speculatively。 With undoubtably personal insights from his experiences as Nixon's National Security Advisor, the genesis of anthropomorphic ideals of nation state's spirit is a delectably intriguing heuristic for thinking about countries actions, especially in the current geopolitical world。 However, whilst appealing to our instincts for simplicity and resoluteness, World Order misses the mark of nuance in a number of significant aspects。 From believability about his characterisations, to an unquenched urge for alternative plausible beliefs, restrains World Order from universally-essential reading。 Nonetheless, recommended for those wishing to learn at least more about the perspectives of 1970s US administration on the world。 。。。more

Clara Laduron

Good summary of the world order but a bit too introductive

Giorgio

Wow

Haris Mirza

This book is useful to understand Henry Kissinger's (and perhaps America's) logic to justify American hegemony and domination of the rest of the world。 And the logic is that US is the upholder and promoter of the Westphalian order i。e。 equilibrium of equal (in rights) and independent states as opposed to, for example, Chinese order which (in Kissinger's view) puts China above all the states and smaller states in its periphery as tributary states。 Obviously we know that US acts in its self intere This book is useful to understand Henry Kissinger's (and perhaps America's) logic to justify American hegemony and domination of the rest of the world。 And the logic is that US is the upholder and promoter of the Westphalian order i。e。 equilibrium of equal (in rights) and independent states as opposed to, for example, Chinese order which (in Kissinger's view) puts China above all the states and smaller states in its periphery as tributary states。 Obviously we know that US acts in its self interest without much consideration for any principles, but justification of its actions are provided in language of Westphalian order。 。。。more

Jacob

Very insightful history or World Order。 The only problem with this book is: it's written from POV of US。 Need to take any opinions about China, Russia and Middle East with a grain of salt。- Today's World order is based on Peace of Westphalia (first time that nations agreed to respect each other’s sovereignty): https://en。wikipedia。org/wiki/Peace_o。。。- Realpolitik: https://en。wikipedia。org/wiki/Realpol。。。- status quo states (US and EU) vs revisionist states (Russia, China and Islamic states)- 10/ Very insightful history or World Order。 The only problem with this book is: it's written from POV of US。 Need to take any opinions about China, Russia and Middle East with a grain of salt。- Today's World order is based on Peace of Westphalia (first time that nations agreed to respect each other’s sovereignty): https://en。wikipedia。org/wiki/Peace_o。。。- Realpolitik: https://en。wikipedia。org/wiki/Realpol。。。- status quo states (US and EU) vs revisionist states (Russia, China and Islamic states)- 10/15 cases in history where a rising and an established power interacted ended in war- balance of power: https://en。wikipedia。org/wiki/Balance。。。- Not united Germany played an important role in maintaining the European balance of power - not powerful enough to conquer other states, but could quickly mobilize a formidable army in case of an outside threat- Many of history’s great conflicts are the result of opposing world orders (e。g。, Cold War - capitalism vs socialism, wars between arab states)Reviews:- https://bestbookbits。com/world-order-。。。- http://164。115。28。46/nrctejournal/fil。。。 。。。more

Carl Johan

Simply brilliant。

Radhika Shendye

Kissinger takes more than 3 chapters to get to his first point。 I don't have that kind of time or patience。 Kissinger takes more than 3 chapters to get to his first point。 I don't have that kind of time or patience。 。。。more

Derek

A masterpiece by Henry Kissinger。

Wing

This is a treatise on equilibrium – how to balance power with legitimacy, long term idealism with immediate realism, and hegemony with alliance。 A stable order is one that is procedural and not substantive。 It accommodates pluralism but shares a common approach。 A degree of flexibility is required so that it will not break easily。 But Kissinger is not a moral relativist。 It should be obvious to the careful reader that he believes participatory governance and humanitarianism are stabilising force This is a treatise on equilibrium – how to balance power with legitimacy, long term idealism with immediate realism, and hegemony with alliance。 A stable order is one that is procedural and not substantive。 It accommodates pluralism but shares a common approach。 A degree of flexibility is required so that it will not break easily。 But Kissinger is not a moral relativist。 It should be obvious to the careful reader that he believes participatory governance and humanitarianism are stabilising forces but a longue durée view has to be balanced with strategic immediacy。 “Order should not have priority over freedom。 But the affirmation of freedom should be elevated from a mood to a strategy。” (p。 357)。 His narrative is one where the Westphalian principle gradually expands in scope but is constantly challenged by hubristic alternatives。 The breadth of the book limits its depth at times but his erudition and sagacity sparkles and charms。 The chapters on America navigating between Wilsonian visions and geopolitical factors are particularly instructive and masterful。 Colourful vignettes abound in other chapters as well。 Do watch out for omissions and euphemisms – what are left out may be as interesting as what are not。 All in all, a great way to see how a great statesman analyses issues。 Four stars。 。。。more